Iberian Landscape In Jamon Jamon Film Studies Essay

Iberian Landscape In Jamon Jamon Film Studies Essay Explain how Bigas Lunas use of the Iberian landscape in Jamà ³n, jamà ³n contributes to our perception of the films themes. Arguably one of the main concerns of the early 1990s cinematic work of Spanish-Catalan director Bigas Luna is that of place or space (Smith, 2000, 89), and it is within this context that the following discussion of Jamà ³n, jamà ³n (1992), the first film belonging to his Iberian Trilogy, will be placed. If location is key in setting up expectation with regard to theme in Spanish cinema (Jordan Allinson, 2005, 36), the way in which Bigas Luna utilizes the rural locale of Los Monegros is therefore central to the audiences ability to engage with the thematic discourse. In relation to Jamà ³n, jamà ³n, Deleyto (1999, 270) emphasizes the complex use of filmic and real space as the main device with which the principal themes of gender roles and national identity are communicated, themes which form part of what Fouz-Hernà ¡ndez (2005, 189) argues is an overall strategy to scrutinize Spanish stereotypes, or Spanishness (ibid., 189), from the viewpoint of both an outsider and insider. Consequently, by focusing specifically on the two aforementioned themes, the analysis in-hand will examine the Iberian landscape in terms of its allegorical function, whereby it continually negotiates the binary oppositions of femininity and masculinity, nature and manufacture, as well as geography and culture. Ultimately, as the concept of theme corresponds to the focus which unifies the central concerns of a film (Boggs, 1996, 10), I aim to show that it is this dynamic and ubiquitous integration of setting which, by aiding audience perception of the themes of gender and national identity, facilitates a more comprehensive understanding of the filmic work as a whole. Hochbergs (2007, 57) analysis of perception indicates that as film constitutes a communicative process, initiating an early connection with the audience is key to cinematic understanding; a type of engagement which is immediately evident in Jamà ³n, jamà ³n. In the opening sequence, the camera pans down from behind the silhouette of a bull hoarding to reveal a sparse panorama of Los Monegros, however as its bareness gives limited indication as to the location other than that of rural Spain, the setting is instantly set up as a symbolic mar de tierra, donde la aridez hace que todos los elementos destaquen (Alegre, 1991, 10. Consequently, the geographical landscape functions as an allegorical space against which stereotypes can be constructed, in turn alluding to the thematic treatment of characters, rather than as individuals, as symbols of certain kinds of Spanishness (Deleyto, 1999, 270). In highlighting its starkness as the means by which the audience is steered towards acknowledging the representative function of the characters, the geographical setting is performing an active role in the thematic narrative and can be viewed as a protagonist itself. A traditional reading of the earth as a signifier of fertility and motherhood, whilst rendering this seventh character inherently feminine (Deleyto, 1999, 273), is juxtaposed with the historical as well as visually apparent reality of Los Monegros as a terreno [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] de secano (Madoz, 1850, 193). As a result, the landscape evokes an opposition between nurture and destruction which is subsequently mirrored in Carmen and Conchita; the former, an embodiment of mother-earth who uses her sexuality to provide for her daughters whilst the latter is a signifier of the arid land, given her excessive displays of voracious motherhood (Deleyto, 1999, 285). As Hochberg (2007, 26) states that symbolisation makes possible pe rception at a distance, the allegorical use of the natural surroundings can be understood as a way of drawing audience attention to the problematic representations of motherhood and femininity that thread throughout the film. The imagery connected with Silvia further demonstrates how the landscape is used to communicate a thematic narrative on gender roles. In her first joint appearance with Josà © Luis, the visual association between the hills and Silvias curvaceous breasts (Fouz-Hernà ¡ndez, 2005, 193) reinforces the link between the land and femininity, with the backdrop of the naked feminine surroundings figuratively mirroring Silvias nude upper body and thus affirming female spatial dominance in the scene. Equally, Silvia occupies a more central and superior physical position in the frame, as Josà © Luis is seen crouching down in order to taste her breasts. As Monaco (2009, 160) argues that the power of film lies in its capacity to state rather than suggest, the use of the Iberian locale to emphasise femininity can be understood as a direct attempt by Bigas Luna to thematically undermine dominant machismo in Spain, and in doing so is calling for the audience to rethink the overall relevance of Spa nish stereotypes. By describing his Iberia as a space in which [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] locality is lived with uniquely sensual vividness (Smith, 2000, 107), Bigas Luna acknowledges a sexualised interpretation of the filmic setting. Hence, with sex central to the macho ibà ©rico stereotype (Holder, 1998, 35), the landscapes relation to male virility must be examined, specifically the films thematic portrayal of a stereotypical, almost grotesque version of Spanish masculinity (Jordan Allinson, 2005, 168). Given that our analysis considers the question of spectator perception, it can be proposed that it is precisely by Bigas Luna using the landscape to play with audience expectation that our focus is drawn to the thematic relevance of exaggerated displays of male sexuality. The shots of the Osborne bull hoarding, in both the opening sequence and the scene where Josà © Luis forces himself on Silvia, present a unique perspective from which to view Aragons paisaje desolado (Santabria, 2007, 16); expressly, via the rear outline of the bulls genitals. Whereas from the roadside the observer could straightforwardly identify the image and, in the case of a Spanish audience, its meaning as a famous brandy advert (Vilarà ³s, 1998, 235), viewing the bull hoarding from behind renders its significance difficult to decipher. Furthermore, the cameras focus on the bulls paquete, whilst rendering the perspective oversexed, also shows it to be fractured and so, as it sways unsteadily before the inherently feminine landscape, the shot captures a symbolic destabilization of stereotypical Spanish machismo. Consequently the manipulation of point of view in relation to the landscape (Deleyto, 1999, 273) is a way of asking the audience to take similarly critical view of Jamà ³n, jamà ³ns representation of excessive masculinity. Paradoxically, the relationship between men and the rural landscape contributes to the thematic commentary on gender roles and stereotypes, in turn highlighting the binary complexities associated with Bigas Lunas use of setting. In Raà ºls opening sequence, the use of a travelling shot across the dry land followed by an extreme long shot stresses the framing of him in these arid surroundings, with the distance blurring the boundaries between land and men (Fouz-Hernà ¡ndez Martà ­nez-Expà ³sito, 2007, 21). Given that Monacos (2009, 197) treatment of the diachronic shot indicates that unlike close-ups which deprive us of setting, long shots serve to emphasise context over drama and dialectic over personality, Jamà ³n, jamà ³ns thematic concern for stereotypes over individuals is thus resonated in Bigas Lunas negotiation of the geographic space. Furthermore, as the role of cinematography, and in particular camera movement, is key to how we perceive film by revealing the ideas and images that characters represent (Jordan Allinson, 2005, 46), Raà ºls engagement in a mock bullfight, a stereotypically Spanish and male activity (Jordan Morgan, 1994, 59), illustrates how the use of cinematographic conventions that incorporate the dynamics of setting serve, in effect, to define Raà ºl as the quintessential macho incarnate. Nevertheless, it can be argued that any masculine association of the landscape is merely established in order for it to be interrupted by femininity, as the opening sequence then cuts to Conchitas underwear factory where a female employee, Silvia, runs a sewing machine across a pair of mens briefs, then to another eating a ham sandwich. Given that psychologically the cut is the truer approximation of our natural perception (Monaco, 2009, 172), Bigas Lunas use of it here thus encourages the audience to make an instinctive association between both the preceding and subsequent image; the dramatic interruption by these feminine images figuratively implying male castration and the undermining of the machismo image which precedes it and thus reverting back to a reading of the landscape as inextricably feminine. The encounter in the cinematic space of femininity and masculinity reveals a further allegorical use of the rural landscape as a vehicle for thematic communication. The way in which both the huge bull hoardings and the Sansà ³n advertisement image of Raà ºls crotch penetrate the feminine soil as well as Raà ºls use of this poster to demonstrate his worthiness to Silvia, suggest a bold masculine invasion of the feminine panoramic. Yet, no matter how imposing these symbols of masculinity initially seem against the female landscape, they will never match the vast physical scale of Los Monegros given the immenses à ©tendues de terrain quon y trouve (Berthier, 2001, 30). Subsequently, the central position which appears to be given to the male is shown to be no more than an illusion (DLugo, 1995, 71), as it can be suggested that it is the female terrain which in fact enables these emblems of masculinity to be erect in the first place and therefore holds the power to castrate. Rob Stone (2002, 195) proposes that by flailing so dramatically at machismo Jamà ³n, jamà ³n destroys audience identification with the characters, nevertheless it is this exaggeration, maintained via Bigas Lunas allegorical use of the landscape, which contributes to the films thematic treatment of national identity. In the night-time bullfighting scene Rauls genitals are obscured by the darkness of the physical environment, with the sole light emanating from the moonlight of Mother Nature. Yet, instead of her glow framing the naked male body it delicately highlights the bulls horns and so this gentle treatment of the bull, a phallic emblem and symbolic representation of masculinity in Spain (Jordan Morgan, 1994, 59), combined with a refusal to reveal Raà ºls paquete, weakens the Spanish stereotype of potent machismo. Given the existence of a stereotypical notion of national identity in which male virility in particular is central (Morgan-Tamosunas Jordan, 1994, 60), the landscap es role here in challenging the validity of masculine phallic dominance can be understood as a way of highlighting the issue of problematic national identity in post-transition Spain. The juxtaposition of the rural landscape with the manufactured setting, a space of non-Spanish, globalizing [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] capitalism (Fouz-Hernà ¡ndez Martà ­nez-Expà ³sito, 2007, 21), further evokes the ambivalence of national identity; an opposition which is reflected in the male protagonists association with setting. Whilst Raà ºls establishing shot sustains his visual association with the natural surroundings, Josà © Luis is situated within the artificial setting of his family home, a space highly reliant on external symbols of purchasing power (Fouz-Hernà ¡ndez, 2005, 192). Consequently, the initial relationship the males hold with their environment renders them personifications of the tensions between the old (Raul) and the new (Josà © Luis) in postmodern Spain (Fouz-Hernà ¡ndez Martà ­nez-Expà ³sito, 2007, 20). Subsequently, the clash between the manufactured and natural setting in the filmic space reinforces the discord of national identity, including frequent shots of lorries as symbols of consumerism crossing Aragà ³ns barren terrain and the underwear factory drawing Raà ºl away from his traditional ham warehouse, a space which is a showcase of hyper-Spanish and hyper-masculine associations (Jordan Allinson, 2005, 167). In addition, the use of Raà ºl body as a vehicle for commercial consumption via the underwear advertisements which litter the rural panoramic, helps undercut his strength as the physical embodiment of the prototypical macho ibà ©rico (Morgan-Tamosunas Jordan, 1998, 78) and therefore the waning relevance of this image in 1992 Spain. The binary opposition between manufacture and nature can be interpreted as a way of highlighting the national [Spanish] struggle between traditional and contemporary definitions of economic culture and identity (DLugo, 1995, 69). The infiltration of modernity is not simply presented as oppressive, as both Raà ºl and Silvia actively want to occupy the commercial space, with Raà ºl aspiring to own a Mercedes and Silvia desiring a shoe cupboard, both in parallel with Conchita as a representation of consumerism. As such, rural Aragon as an allegory of traditional Spain, is shown to be a place where the only possible escape is via materialistic transactions, reflecting late twentieth century capitalism (Holder, 1998, 33). The characters participation in both the manufactured and natural space thus alludes to a definition of national identity which is no longer based on static traditions, but one that is changing through globalisation, as the postmodernist deconstruction of identity [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] means recognition of the fact that Spanishness is a shifting concept, encompassing plurality and contradiction (Labanyi, 1995, 397). The final perspective from which the Iberian landscape will be examined is revealed by Freixas (1992, 36) interpretation of its resonance not only in geographical but also cultural terms. Consequently, the barren space of Aragon can be seen as a canvas on which cultural references are painted in order to reinforce the themes of gender roles and national identity. The binary conflict of the physical landscape, as both manufactured and natural, nurturing yet destructive, is characteristic of Dalis painting Naturaleza Muerta, Viva. Likewise, the positioning of the factory, cars and coke can as symbolic dashes of globalisation against the natural space brings to mind the paintings primary interpretation of an erasure of boundaries (DLugo, 1995, 72), thus echoing the theme of problematic Spanish national identity in relation to globalised post-modern context. Bigas Lunas omnipresent allegorical use of the bull and the pig, two animals closely related to Spanish gastronomy and culture (Fouz-Hernà ¡ndez, 2005, 193), equally reinforces a cultural reading of the landscape. The Osborne bull itself, by historically transcending its original commercial connotations, became an integral part of Spains cultural landscape (Fouz-Hernà ¡ndez Martà ­nez-Expà ³sito, 2007, 22). Likewise, the geographical setting and the cultural significance of the pig are fused in the final sequence in a reworking of Goyas Duelo a garrotazos; la rà ©fà ©rence au peintre aragonais [Goya] dont le tournage sest prà ©cisà ©ment effectuà © dans la rà ©gion natale de ce dernier [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] signalant une filiation artistique (Berthier, 2001, 60). Consequently, Bigas Lunas parodic choice of a fight with hams instead of cudgels renders el famoso jamà ³n [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] a ser arma no del macho excelente y excesivo, sino de su opuesto (Vilarà ³s, 1998, 235). F urthermore, the aftermath of the duel sees the women return as a central focus to simultaneously bring together the thematic discourse in a parting pieta; the shot panning out to reveal the vastness of Los Monegros, its aridness evoking the power of mother earth which has drained the life from the men which stand before it and thus undercutting the myth of Spanish machismo in a culturally prestigious environment (Deleyto, 1999, 281). Monaco (2009, 172) affirms that we are seldom interested in the intervening filmic space, yet the cinematographic pan draws our attention to just that, therefore its use in the final sequence can be seen as a way of emphasising the resonance of both the geographic setting and its cultural implications. In conclusion, as film corresponds to a one-way system of communication which is composed with the intention of relaying a desired message (Monaco, 2009, 162), the discursive use of setting to reflect the dualities of gender and national identity constitutes a conscious attempt by Bigas Luna to thematically engage with the audience. By rendering femininity dominant and so subverting Spanish machismo, the Iberian landscape acts as the platform on which a critique of Spanish stereotypes is constructed. Furthermore, the juxtaposition of the natural versus the manufactured setting acts as a means of connecting with a Spanish audience through self-referential reflections on the process through which their identity has been reshaped by multinational capitalism (DLugo, 1995, 69). Hochberg (2007, 26) argues that our perception of a films themes comes not only from what we see but from what we do not see, therefore it is both the recurrent visual presence of the geographic landscape alongside its symbolic and cultural associations which renders it an effective device in aiding our understanding of the thematic discourse of a film which contempla irà ³nicamente los ritos de una cultura que [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] està ¡ intentando desojarse de lo negativo del pasado pero tratando de no sustituir lo bueno tradicional por lo malo moderno (Evans, 2004, 41).

Death Penalty in Philippines Essay

During Spanish colonial rule, the most common method of executions were shooting by the firing squad (especially for treason/military crimes, usually reserved for independence fighters) and garrotte (a notable case would be the Gomburza). A prominent example is the country’s national hero, Jose Rizal, who was executed by firing squad on the morning of December 30, 1896. In 1926, the electric chair was introduced, by the United States colonial government. This made the Philippines the only country besides the United States to employ this method. The last colonial-era execution took place under Governor-General Theodore Roosevelt, Jr. in February 1932. There were no executions under Manuel L. Quezon, the Commonwealth’s first President.[2] 1946 to 1986 The capital crimes after regaining full independence were murder, rape and treason. Notable cases includes Julio Gullien, executed on for attempting to assassinate President Manuel Roxas, or Marcial â€Å"Baby† Ama, electrocuted at the age of 16 on October 4, 1961. â€Å"Baby† Ama became a subject of a famous 1976 film Bitayin Si baby Ama. Totally, 51 people were electrocuted until 1961. Another famous death penalty case was of former powerful Governor of Negros Occidental Rafael Lacson and 22 of his allies, condemded to die in August 1954 for murder of a political opponent.[6] Ultimately, Lacson was never executed. Executions number climbed under President Ferdinand Marcos. Ironically, Marcos himself was sentenced to death in 1939 for murder of his father’s political opponent, although he was accquited during appeal. A well-publicised triple execution took place in May 1972, when Jaime Josà ©, Basilio Pineda, and Edgardo Aquino were electrocuted for the 1967 ab duction and gang-rape of the young actress Maggie dela Riva. Under the Marcos regime, drug trafficking also became punishable with death by firing squad. A notable execution was that of drug trafficker Lim Seng, whose death in December 1972 was broadcast on national television. Future President and then Chief of the Philippine Constabulary, GeneralFidel V. Ramos, was present at the scene. The electric chair was used until 1976, when execution by firing squad eventually replaced it as the sole method of execution. During the Marcos regime, however, countless more people were summarily executed, tortured, or simply disappeared for opposition to his rule. neutrality is disputed After Marcos was deposed in 1986, the newly-drafted Constitution limited the application of the death penalty to a certain few crimes. This in effect meant that it was totally abolished, making the Philippines the first Asian country to do so. Reinstatement and moratorium President Fidel V. Ramos promised during his campaign that he would support the reintroduction of the death penalty in response to increasing crime rates. The new law, drafted by Ramos, restored capital punishment by defining â€Å"heinous crimes† as everything from murder to stealing a car. This law provided the use of the electric chair until the gas chamber (chosen by the government to replace electrocution) could be installed. The first execution by lethal injection took place under Ramos’ successor, Joseph Estrada, following on a personal appeal by his spiritual advisor, Bishop Teodoro Bacani. Estrada called a moratorium in 2000 to honour the bimillenial anniversary of Jesus’ birth. Executions were resumed a year later. Estrada’s own successor, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, was a vocal opponent and also approved a moratorium, but later permitted executions and denied pardons. Second abolition On 15 April 2006, the sentences of 1,230 death row inmates were commuted to life imprisonment, in what Amnesty International believes to be the â€Å"largest ever commutation of death sentences† Capital punishment was again abolished via Republic Act No. 9346, which was signed by President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo on 24 June 2006. The bill followed a vote held in Congress earlier that month which overwhelmingly supported the abolition of the practice . The penalties of life imprisonmentand reclusion perpetua (indeterminate sentence, 30-year minimum) replaced the death penalty. Critics of Arroyo’s initiative called it a political move meant to placate the Roman Catholic Church, some sectors of which were increasingly vocal in their opposition to her rule. Aftermath President Arroyo controversially pardoned many prisoners during her presidency, including a 2009 pardon for all remaining felons convicted for the 1983 assassination of former Senator and opposition leader Benigno Aquino, Jr. Methods The Philippines was the only country aside from the United States that used the electric chair. Until its first abolition in 1987, the country reverted to using death by firing squad. After re-introduction of the death penalty in 1993, the country switched to lethal injection as its sole method of execution.

Why Is Marriage Viewed More Negatively Today - 979 Words

After reading chapter five on the topic of Cohabitation, I was left with a variety of thoughts and questions on the topic and was mostly just trying to sift through my own personal beliefs, the information that we have been presented in this chapter, and the variety of different research studies that have been done on the topic. The question I decided to pursue for my thought paper was relatively broad, but yet something that I couldn’t seem to stop asking my self, which was: â€Å"Why is marriage viewed more negatively today?† and often as a second choice following cohabitation?† When thinking about this question many different answers came to mind. Automatically, I referred to the concept of divorce and how prevalent that has become since the creation and implementation of the Divorce Act. When there was a drastic increase in the amount of divorce, I believe people growing up and watching this unfold could have been hesitant that this would have happened to them if they were to proceed with marriage, therefore, decided to avoid the potential heart break, expense, and drama and look to different types of relationships. As we’ve learned, it is in fact true that marriage is on the decline and cohabitation is on the rise. I think that with the divorce rate being so high it makes people—regardless of their age—more hesitant and less secure when making the decision to commit to a relationship that they don’t expect to last forever. I think that it is also a possibility thatShow MoreRelatedThe Model Of The American Family1061 Words    |  5 Pagesfamilies of today have drastically changed, and are more complex in the family role. As time progresses, divorce rates are at an all time high, and single parent homes are even higher. 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Article Review Reducing Prescription Drug Costs

To: Professor Geckeis From: Kyra Bloom, Adam Kavanagh, Nicholas Ceparski Date: March 16, 2017 Subject: Reducing prescription drug costs Company Name: Horizons Investment/Retirement Planning 250 Employees Marysville, Ohio $135 Million USD Commodities such as food, cars, and even precious metals have steadily increased year after year which is something that is widely accepted as ‘inflation’. The dollar in 2016 isn’t worth what the dollar in say, 2010 was, but salaries are often adjusted to take the rise in commodities into effect. Prescription drugs however do not fit into the typical mold of the commodity, that steadily increases in price year after year. Prescription drugs in†¦show more content†¦Don’t just decide that you are going to go generic instead of prescription without talking to the doctor because it might end up not taking care of the symptoms or problems that the prescription drugs or medications are made for. Although sometimes generic brands may not be as strong, they are cheaper and can still do the job(s) you want it to do, but at a lower price than you would have to pay for prescriptions. Clip Coupons Clip coupons as another way to save money on your prescription drugs or medications. There are some websites such as www.GoodRx.com, where you can print out a coupon for a certain prescription drugs and save a few dollars on your medications. Some coupons you don’t even have to print out. Sometimes you can just find it on your phone and the pharmacy or store can scan it from there. In the article, â€Å"Ways to Reduce Prescription Drug Costs,† it states, â€Å"If the medication is available in only expensive brands, there could be coupons available directly from the drug manufacturer.† This is a nice and easy way you can keep from spending an outrageous amount of money on your medications. 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